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Cost of the War, click HERE
Bush Hides
Iraq Costs
President
Bush's military budget request of $401.7 billion increases spending by
7%. But that figure includes nothing to fund the fighting in Iraq and
Afghanistan. Also not covered is Defense Secretary Donald H.
Rumsfeld's decision to temporarily increase the Army by 30,000 troops
to staff the Iraqi reconstruction effort. Pentagon officials have said
they will ask for additional money for that budget measure next year.
. .
Unlike the detailed annual funding request, supplemental
appropriations measures allocate money through vague categories,
giving the federal government greater spending latitude. . . Sen. John
McCain (R-Ariz.) called funding additional troops through emergency
spending measures unprecedented. Funding the fighting later "deceives
the American people about the size of the deficit and the debt that we
are incurring," he said.
John Hendren, LA
Times, 1/11/04
3 - 5 Years
and Billions More
Iraq will
require at least three to five years to put together a respectable
armed force, and only if it gets generous foreign aid and cuts corners
on welfare programs for civilians, a U.S. [Maj. Gen. Paul Eaton, head
of a U.S. program to train the budding army] said yesterday.
. .Eaton
estimated that Iraq needed "between eight and 12 divisions" to provide
credible deterrence or a robust defense from foreign attacks.
Divisions number about 10,000 troops. . . Current plans call for the
U.S.-led coalition to train three light infantry divisions in the
coming months.
But "this is a tough neighborhood and three light infantry divisions
do not provide, and will not provide, the end-state defensive
requirement for the Iraqi ground forces - it never was intended to be
so," he said. Matthew
Rosenberg, Associated Press, 1/22/04
Costanzo.org
Question for President Bush
A study to be released today by the House Budget
Committee's Democratic staff concluded that the cost of the Iraq war and
occupation could easily reach $417 billion over the next decade
Jonathan Weisman and Juliet Eilperin,
Washington Post 9/23/03
= $17,375 per Iraqi
= $1,438 per American
If we had just given every
Iraqi $17,375 under the condition that they get rid of Saddam, wouldn't
we have been better off?
Bush at Play
The
direct military cost of the occupation is $4 billion a month, and
there's no end in sight. But that's only part of the bill.
This
week Paul Bremer suddenly admitted that Iraq would need "several tens of
billions" in aid next year. That remark was probably aimed not at the
public but at his masters in Washington; he apparently needed to get
their attention. . . .
The
biggest cost of the Iraq venture, however, may not be Mr. Bremer's
problem; it may not even come in Iraq. Our commitment of large forces
there creates the need for a bigger military, even as it degrades the
effectiveness of our existing forces. . . . Someday, when the grown-ups
are back in charge, they'll have quite a mess to clean up. Paul
Krugman, NY Times 8/29/03
Things are Not Going so Well
Rebuilding
Iraq will cost between $400 billion and $600 billion. Military costs for
Afghanistan and Iraq are $6 billion or 7 billion per month and things
are not going so well in either place. American influence in Afghanistan
is limited to Kabul. No one is even asking the cost of rebuilding
Afghanistan. If administration officials know, they are not talking.
What is the plan to hold Afghanistan? Will it be to send more troops to
act as targets for terrorism or leave it to NATO? Any bets on how long
NATO countries will remain if German, Dutch and French soldiers are
regularly killed?Ed Garvey, The Capital Times (WI),
8/19/03
$60B per Year:
Military Costs
Only
The Pentagon
claims that U.S. operations in Iraq are costing only about $3.9 billion
a month, but those figures are extremely deceptive. They do not, for
instance, include the costs of replacing damaged vehicles and equipment.
Nor do they include the costs of replacing munitions expended in combat.
Considering the fact that Iraq remains an active war zone - despite the
president's "mission accomplished" claim of early May - the best bet is
that the price tag for the military is a lot closer to $5 billion a
month. That adds up to $60 billion a year. And, considering the cozy
relationship Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's Pentagon has developed
with corporate contractors, the final accounting will probably prove to
be dramatically more expensive for American taxpayers.
Editorial, The Capital Times, Wisconsin 8/17/03
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Bin
Laden's Laugh
Even as
these brave troops were dying in the cruel and bloody environs of
Iraq, the Senate Intelligence Committee in Washington was unfurling
its damning unanimous report about the incredibly incompetent
intelligence that the Bush administration used to justify this awful
war. . . A government with even a nodding acquaintance with competence
and good sense would have launched an all-out war against Al Qaeda,
not Iraq, in the immediate aftermath of Sept. 11. After all, it was Al
Qaeda, not Iraq, that carried out the sneak attack on American soil
that destroyed the World Trade Center and part of the Pentagon and
killed 3,000 people. . . .Bin Laden and Al Qaeda must have gotten a
good laugh out of that.
BOB HERBERT, New York
Times, 7/12/04
Bush
NOT Exonerated *
Intelligence
and arms control experts said today that new findings detailing the
past errors in assessing Iraq's weapons capabilities do not exonerate
the Bush administration, which bears ultimate responsibility for
exaggerating the Iraqi threat and for discarding the UN inspections
that had effectively contained Saddam Hussein's unconventional weapons
programs. "The erroneous judgments delivered by the CIA and
other intelligence agencies about Iraq's alleged nuclear, biological,
and chemical weapons programs do not excuse the president and senior
administration officials for misrepresenting U.S. intelligence and for
ignoring contrary findings by UN weapons inspectors in order to
justify toppling the Iraqi dictator," said Daryl G. Kimball, executive
director of the Arms Control Association.
Arms Control
Association, 7/9/4
Bush
Goes Back to the Future*
It is less
than two weeks since Iyad Allawi took office as Iraq's interim prime
minister, yet his governing methods already carry a whiff of the
old-style Arab authoritarianism. . .One chilling example is the decree
Dr. Allawi had drawn up this week to give him the authority to
exercise martial law powers anywhere he sees fit. As the interim prime
minister, Dr. Allawi heads an unelected caretaker government whose
main responsibility is guiding Iraq toward free elections in January.
Preparing to impose martial law is not an encouraging way to start.. .
.Dr. Allawi, who lived in exile on the payroll of the Central
Intelligence Agency, became better known to Washington than he was to
most Iraqis.
NY Times Editorial 7/8/04
The Real Human Cost *
The
Pentagon keeps a close watch on the grim tally in Iraq and
Afghanistan. The latest figures: 922 killed. 5,457 wounded in action.
And the press reports those numbers. But there's another figure
neither the Pentagon nor the press are talking about — the more than
11,000 soldiers coming home disabled, injured, sick who aren't on the
Pentagon's casualty list because the military says they weren't
injured in combat. . . .You watch the C-17 come in on the runway and
the big bellied plane latch goes down the back. And you see the
intubated patients which would need a trach tubes and very severe
things where you weren't sure if they were gonna make it.
From transcrpt of "NOW"
with Bill Moyers, 6/29/04
How Bush Found the al Qaeda
Connection*
"We
on the Bin Laden side [of the agency's analytic ranks] were required
repeatedly to check, double-check and triple-check our files about a
connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq," said the officer, who spoke on
condition that he be identified only by his first name, Mike.
Asked whether he attributed the demands to an eagerness among
officials at the White House or the Pentagon to find evidence of a
link, he said: "You could not help but assume that was the case. They
knew the answer [they wanted] before they asked the question."
The officer is the author of a forthcoming book titled, "Imperial
Hubris: Why the West Is Losing the War on Terror," published by
Brassey's Inc. of Dulles, Va.
Greg Miller, LA Times,
7/1/04
Iraq
Contracts Ripe for Corruption*
Christian
Aid, the UK-based international development charity, says the
Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) has approved a flurry of
spending commitments using Iraqi funds with few controls ahead of
Wednesday's handover of sovereignty. "In the run-up to the
handover, billions more dollars have been hastily allocated to
projects that do not appear to have been properly planned," the report
said. "This lack of accountability creates an environment ripe for
corruption and theft at every level." At a meeting on May 15,
the CPA approved $2bn (?1.6m, £1.1m) of spending of Iraqi funds on
security, infrastructure projects and future compensation funds. In
June, it approved a further $500m for security ahead of the change of
sovereignty.
Gareth Smyth, Financial
Times, 6/28/04
Calling it
Autonomy, Does Not Make It so
*
U.S.
administrator L. Paul Bremer has issued a raft of edicts revising
Iraq's legal code and has appointed at least two dozen Iraqis to
government jobs with multi-year terms. . .As of June 14, Bremer had
issued 97 legal orders, which are defined by the U.S. occupation
authority as "binding instructions" . . .perhaps Bremer's most
far-reaching and potentially contentious order is the election law,
which he signed June 15.. . . Juan Cole, a University of Michigan
professor . . ., said the appointed electoral commission's power. . .
would allow it "to disqualify people someone didn't like." He
likened the power of the commission to that of religious mullahs in
Iran, who routinely use their authority to remove candidates before an
election.
Rajiv Chandrasekaran and
Walter Pincus, Washington Post, 6/27/04
Bush
and Plain Talk*
Of all the
ways Mr. Bush persuaded Americans to back the invasion of Iraq last
year, the most plainly dishonest was his effort to link his war of
choice with the battle against terrorists worldwide. While it's
possible that Mr. Bush and his top advisers really believed that there
were chemical, biological and nuclear weapons in Iraq, they should
have known all along that there was no link between Iraq and Al Qaeda.
No serious intelligence analyst believed the connection existed; . .
.Nevertheless, the Bush administration convinced a substantial
majority of Americans before the war that Saddam Hussein was somehow
linked to 9/11. And since the invasion, administration officials,
especially Vice President Dick Cheney, have continued to declare such
a connection.
NY Times Editorial, 6/17/04
Kurds Served
Up Bush's Way*
[W]hile the
United Nations congrat-ulates itself on the resolution passed last
night, the Kurds see only a further undermining of the conditions that
make a unified Iraq acceptable to them. And we should not take lightly
their threats of boycotting the government and even seceding. . . .
the Kurds are the only players at the table with the ability and the
mettle to walk away. If they do, hopes of a democratic, multiethnic
Iraq go with them. . .The alternative is for the Kurds to head back to
their lands and — even in the face of a potential invasion of the
Turks — set about building one of the Middle East's only prosperous
democracies. . . . If they don't receive their guarantees, soon there
may be no Iraq — just a free Kurdistan and a burning Arabistan.
BARTLE BREESE BULL, NY Times, 6/9/04
Bush's
Incompetent Intelligence Policies*
When President Bush took office, Mr. Chalabi and the
Iraqi National Congress were embraced by senior policy makers at the
Pentagon, which became his main point of contact in the American
government. . . Last month, American and Iraqi forces raided Mr.
Chalabi's Baghdad compound and carted away computers, overturned
furniture and ransacked his offices. The raid was said to be part of
an investigation into charges that Mr. Chalabi's aides, including a
leading lieutenant, had been involved in kidnapping, torture,
embezzlement and corruption in Iraq. It is still unclear what the
connection might be between that raid and the continuing
counterintelligence investigation of the possible leaks of secrets to
Iran.
DAVID JOHNSTON and JAMES RISEN, NY Times, 6/3/04
Iran Irony:
NeoCons
Conned*
An urgent
investigation has been launched in Washington into whether Iran played
a role in manipulating the US into the Iraq war by passing on bogus
intelligence through Ahmad Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress, it
emerged yesterday.
Some intelligence officials now believe that Iran used the hawks in
the Pentagon and the White House to get rid of a hostile neighbour,
and pave the way for a Shia-ruled Iraq.
. . . the CIA has hard evidence that Mr Chalabi and his intelligence
chief, Aras Karim Habib, passed US secrets to Tehran, and that Mr
Habib has been a paid Iranian agent for several years, involved in
passing intelligence in both directions.
The CIA has asked the FBI to investigate Mr Chalabi's contacts in the
Pentagon
Julian Borger, The Guardian (UK), 5/25/04
Of Illegal
Wars and Weddings*
A videotape
obtained Sunday by Associated Press Television News captures a wedding
party that survivors say was later attacked by U.S. planes early
Wednesday, killing up to 45 people. . . ."There was no evidence of a
wedding: no decorations, no musical instruments found, no large
quantities of food or leftover servings one would expect from a
wedding celebration," Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt said Saturday. . .
But video that APTN shot a day after the attack shows fragments of
musical instruments, pots and pans and brightly colored beddings used
for celebrations, scattered around the bombed out tent. . .An AP
reporter and photographer, who interviewed more than a dozen survivors
a day after the bombing, were able to identify many of them on the
wedding party video — which runs for several hours. . .Kimmitt has
denied finding evidence that any children died in the raid . . .Iraqi
officials said at least 13 children were killed.
SCHEHEREZADE FARAMARZI, AP, 523/04
The Abu
Ghraib Spin
The
administration and its Republican allies appear to have settled on a
way to deflect attention from the torture of prisoners at Abu Ghraib:
accuse Democrats and the news media of overreacting, then pile all of
the remaining responsibility onto officers in the battlefield, far
away from President Bush and his political
team. . . These silly arguments not only obscure the despicable
treatment of the prisoners, most of whom are not guilty of anything,
but also ignore the evidence so far. While some of the particularly
sick examples of sexual degradation may turn out to be isolated
events, General Taguba's testimony, and a Red Cross report from Iraq,
made it plain that the abuse of prisoners by the American military and
intelligence agencies was systemic.
NY Times Editorial, 5/12/04
Bush/Rumsfeld War Crimes
A secret
report by the international Red Cross in February warned U.S.
authorities that American forces were behaving brutally toward Iraqis,
committing human rights violations that were "in some cases tantamount
to torture." . . .
U.S. occupation authorities are
running a brutal, unjust prison system that is damaging the lives of
tens of thousands of people. . . The report details several horrific
cases of torture, including one in which troops in Basra beat and
stomped on a group of detainees -- one, a 28-year-old father, died.
ICRC staffers told of finding two detainees who had been hooded,
manacled and forced onto hot surfaces -- thought to be vehicle
engines. One was permanently disabled.
JAMES
RUPERT, Newsday, 5/11/04
Bush Brings
Democracy to Iraq - NOT!
In one case,
the
[the
military's classified report on the abuse of prisoners]
says, U.S. military police at the notorious Abu
Ghraib prison near Baghdad shifted six to eight undocumented prisoners
"around within the facility to hide them" from a visiting delegation
from the International Committee of the Red Cross.
"This maneuver was deceptive, contrary to Army Doctrine and in
violation of international law," the report adds.
Human rights groups said the practice of keeping prisoners off written
lists and physically concealing them from humanitarian aid groups and
independent monitors has been well known over the years in
dictatorships from Guatemala to Sudan. Bob
Drogin, LA Times, 5/5/04
Bush/Rumsfeld War Crimes in Iraq*
The story of
the abuse of Iraqi prisoners by US and British forces is rightly
gaining a demonic momentum. As a US Army report published by The New
Yorker followed revelations by CBS and the allegations by the Daily
Mirror, President Bush and Tony Blair must be wondering when it is
going to end. It is now clear that not only did they fail to find
weapons of mass destruction, but that their fall-back justification
for the invasion, that of bringing democracy and human rights to Iraq,
is little more than a sham.
The abuse, which is described by the US Army report as "sadistic,
blatant and wanton", includes beatings, rape and serious assaults with
chemical lights. To the Middle East, it all provides a stark symbol of
subjugation. Whether or not people in Basra and Baghdad are better off
than they were is no longer the point. The gruesome irony that these
terrible things occurred at Abu Ghraib, the very prison used by Saddam
Hussein's torturers, will not be lost on Arabs.
Henry Porter, The Independent (UK),
5/2/04
-------------------------------
But these
soldiers aren’t simply mavericks. Some accused claim they acted on the
orders of military intelligence and the CIA, and that some of the
torture sessions were under the control of mercenaries hired by the US
to conduct interrogations. Two “civilian contract” organisations
taking part in interrogations at Abu Ghraib are linked to the Bush
administration.
California-based Titan Corporation says it is “a leading provider of
solutions and services for national security”. Between 2003-04, it
gave nearly $40,000 to George W Bush’s Republican Party. Titan
supplied translators to the military.
CACI International Inc. describes its aim as helping “America’s
intelligence community in the war on terrorism”. Richard Armitage, the
current deputy US secretary of state, sat on CACI’s board.
Neil Mackay, Sunday Herald (UK), 5/2/04
Wolfowitz,
Get a Clue*
Asked during
a Congressional budget hearing on Thursday how many American troops
had been killed in Iraq, Mr. Wolfowitz missed by more than 30 percent.
"It's approximately 500, of which — I can get the exact numbers —
approximately 350 are combat deaths," he said. As of Thursday,
there were 722 deaths, 521 in combat. The No. 2 man at the Pentagon
was oblivious in the bloodiest month of the war, with the number of
Americans killed in April overtaking those killed in the six-week
siege of Baghdad last year.
This is, of course, an administration that refuses to quantify or
acknow-ledge the cost of its chuckleheaded empire policies, in bodies,
money, credibility in the Arab world, reputation among our allies or
the reinvigoration of militant Muslims around the globe.Dowd,
NY Times, 5/2/04
Bush
Neglects GIs*
Twenty
percent of the U.S. troops killed in Iraq might have lived had there
been more armored, heavier vehicles available to them, Newsweek
reports Monday. . . Newsweek reports that an unofficial study by a
defense consultant now circulating through the Army says 142 Americans
were killed by land mines or improvised roadside bombs and 48 others
by rocket-propelled grenades.
"Almost all those soldiers were killed while in unprotected vehicles,
which means that perhaps one in four of those killed in combat in Iraq
might be alive if they had had stronger armor around them," according
to Newsweek's account.
UPI at Military.com, 4/27/04
Iraq
Spinning out of Control *
As the
violence spread, Diamond [an
adviser to the U.S. occupation authority,] said, he felt ever
more painfully the mistake the United States had made by not sending
in more troops to keep the insurgents at bay. The American policies
basically encouraged Iraqis to stand up -- only to face the threat of
being mowed down for doing so, he said.
"It was totally hypocritical of us to do one and not the other,"
Diamond said of the lack of security. . . .His recommendations for
rescuing the situation run counter to some of the policies that the
Bush administration insists it will not alter. Diamond said that, in
his view, the United States must more than double its current military
force of about 135,000 James
Stemgold, SF Chronicle, 4/25/04
Bush
Snatches Defeat Again*
The
prosecution of Saddam Hussein . . . should provide a great stimulus to
the Iraqi public's understanding of and respect for the rule of law.
The image of former tyrannical leaders standing before a judge
provides a potent message about the capacity of law to trump arbitrary
power.. . .Yesterday, the Coalition swung and missed again when it
named nephew Chalabi to the top post. His presence significantly
increases the chance that the story during the trial will not be about
the evidence presented, but rather about the shadow of U.S. influence
over the proceedings.. . .
Iraqis may
decide . . . that it represents yet another extension of American
control. Tom
Perriello, Center for American Progress, 4/23/04
Bush's
Vietnam*
Mr. Bush,
for all his talk about staying the course, hasn't been willing to
strike anything off his domestic wish list. On the contrary, he used
the initial glow of apparent success in Iraq to ram through yet
another tax cut, waiting until later to tell us about the extra $87
billion he needed. And he's still at it: in his press conference on
Tuesday he said nothing about the $50 billion-to-$70 billion extra
that everyone knows will be needed to pay for continuing operations.
This fiscal
chicanery is part of a larger pattern. Vietnam shook the nation's
confidence not just because we lost, but because our leaders didn't
tell us the truth. Last September Gen. Anthony Zinni spoke of
"Vietnam, where we heard the garbage and the lies," and asked his
audience of military officers, "Is it happening again?"
Krugman, NYTimes, 4/16/04
Bush's Sr.
Officers Disagreed
The US
army's top think-tank yesterday severely criticized the Bush
administration's preparations for attacking Iraq, saying "the logic of
war was flawed" by a belief that the US could "win the war quickly and
on the cheap". The report by the Army War College says the
administration should have known reconstruction would be long and
arduous - but senior officials were so enamored with military
technology such as high-precision bombs that they believed combat
could be completed quickly. . .Lt Col Echevarria stresses that senior
officers disagreed with civilians in the office of the secretary of
defense (OSD) about the force size needed for stabilization. . . ."The
administration. .. downplayed the possibility that the overall
financial cost of the war would be high, . . ." he wrote.
Peter Spiegel, Financial Times, 4/15/04
Conspiracy
Theories Abound
1: Media Ignores
911 Evidence
Governor Jeb
Bush of Florida had all documents from Huffman Aviation in Venice,
Florida, where some of the hijackers trained to fly, removed and flown
out of the country in a cargo plane shortly after 9/11.
Stephen Simac, Coastal
Post, 4/04
2:
Thinking Unthinkable Thoughts
“They’re
doing it, they’re forcing their way into the cabin, they’re going to
make it.” As soon as that happened, with the FBI listening in, the
plane went down. . . .people on the ground reported hearing what
Vietnam veterans said sounded like a missile. Furthermore, there was
debris from the plan eight miles from the crash site, suggesting the
plane had been hit and stuff started falling out. And one of the
engines was found over a mile from the crash site.
Nick Welsh, Santa Barbara Independent,
4/04
The Bush
Terrorist Haven*
It is hard
to accept the deaths of young men and women when all the world's other
military powers, save Britain, have chosen to sit this one out. The
ill-prepared troops who form the contributions of places like Ukraine
and Bulgaria seem to need protection themselves. With less than 90
days before the symbolic transfer of authority to an Iraqi governing
body, the United States has not even seriously started working out the
arrangements for bringing the United Nations into Iraq as a real
partner.
The rationale for the American military presence in Iraq has quickly
morphed into a negative one. If the troops leave, bloody civil war
would probably follow and Iraq, which had not been a haven for
terrorists, could easily become one.
NY Times Editorial, 4/11/04
Bush Plays
into Hands of Sadr*
Last night I
asked one of the senior political advisers with the [Iraqi
governing] council if he was depressed.
"No, I am not. I am angry," he said.
"This was all completely avoidable."
People like him feel the Americans have just played into the hands of
the extremists by letting themselves be drawn into a war, or at any
rate a crisis on two fronts . . . Now, because the Americans have
decided to take them on, he [Moqtada Sadr] and
his Mehdi army have suddenly assumed the status of defenders of the
faith. . . What worries the Iraqi politicians even more is the timing
of it all. From Friday evening, Shia pilgrims will be gathering
in their hundreds of thousands in the holy city of Karbala to mourn
the victims of the huge bomb explosion at the beginning of March which
killed one of the greatest figures of Shia Islam.
John Simpson BBC,
4/9/04
The Meaning
of "Bring 'em On"*
When the
president challenged Iraqi militants last summer with the now-famous
taunt "bring 'em on," he betrayed a fundamental lack of understanding
of the horror of war . . . Mr. Bush has behaved on more than one
occasion as though he's at the controls of a video game. He does not
appear to be taking this great tragedy nearly as seriously as he
should. . .One of the things soldiers on the ground in Vietnam learned
is that while there were many South Vietnamese who were genuinely
fearful of the Communist North . . ., it was difficult to get them to
fight for their freedom. . . Among other things, we underestimated the
strength of the ethnic and cultural bonds that the Vietnamese felt
with one another, whatever their political inclinations.
Bob Herbert, NY Times, 4/9/04
Bush
Minimizes Iraq Folly*
Administration
officials have portrayed Moktada al-Sadr, a rebel Shiite cleric who is
wanted by American forces, as the catalyst of the rising violence
within the Shiite community of Iraq. But intelligence officials
now say that there is evidence that the insurgency goes beyond Mr.
Sadr and his militia, and that a much larger number of Shiites have
turned against the American-led occupation of Iraq, even if they are
not all actively aiding the uprising. . . United States intelligence
says that the Sunni rebellion also goes far beyond former Baathist
government members. Sunni tribal leaders, particularly in Al Anbar
Province, home to Ramadi, the provincial capital, and Falluja, have
turned against the United States and are helping to lead the Sunni
rebellion, intelligence officials say. The result is that the United
States is facing two broad-based insurgencies that are now on parallel
tracks.
JAMES RISEN, NY Times, 4/8/04
The Bush
Mirage*
The administration does not want to admit the extent of
anti-American hatred among Iraqis. And even if some of the
perpetrators are outsiders, they could never succeed without the
active help of Iraqis.
Just as they once conjured a mirage of a Saddam sharing lethal weapons
with Osama, now the president and vice president make the disingenuous
claim that Al Qaeda is on the run and that many of its capos are
behind bars. Meanwhile, counterterrorism experts say terrorism has
become hydra-headed, and one told Newsweek that the spawned heads have
perpetrated more major terror attacks in the 30 months since 9/11 than
in the 30 months before. Experts agree that the nature of the threat
has shifted, with more than a dozen regional militant Islamic groups
reflecting growing strength.
Maureen Dowd, NY Times 4/4/04
Powell
Admits It*
Secretary of
State Colin L. Powell voiced new doubt yesterday on the
administration's assertions of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq,
saying the description in his U.N. presentation of mobile biological
weapons laboratories appears to have been based on faulty sources. . .
As recently as January, Vice President Cheney cited the discovery of
the trucks as "conclusive" evidence of the mobile labs described by
Powell. But CIA Director George J. Tenet later told Congress he warned
the vice president not to be so categorical about the discovery. . .
"Now it appears not to be the case that it was that solid," Powell
said yesterday. Now, if the sources fell apart, then we need to find
out how we've gotten ourselves in that position. I've had discussions
with the CIA about it."
Glenn Kessler, Washington Post, 4/3/04
Bush, Cheney
& Mercenaries *
The private
companies employ about 15,000 people in Iraq, making them effectively
the second-largest armed component of the coalition after the United
States' 100,000 troops.. . .
Military and civilian officials in Baghdad say the companies will be
paid $100 million in the next year for work in Iraq. . .
The use of such companies in U.S. military operations dates to the
first President Bush. After the 1991 Gulf War, the Pentagon, headed by
then-Defense Secretary Dick Cheney, paid a Halliburton subsidiary,
Brown & Root Services, nearly $9 million to study how private
companies could provide support in combat zones. . .
Cheney went on to serve as CEO of Halliburton before becoming vice
president. TOM
SQUITIERI GANNETT NEWS SERVICE 4/2/04
Cheney's
Iraq "Exaggerations"*
George J.
Tenet, the director of central intelligence, told a Senate committee
on Tuesday that he had privately intervened . . .to correct what he
regarded as public misstatements on intelligence by Vice President
Dick Cheney and others, . . . Mr. Tenet identified three instances in
which he had already corrected public statements by President Bush or
Mr. Cheney . . .[his action] to correct administration statements
involved the State of the Union address in January 2002, when he
objected after the fact to Mr. Bush's inclusion of disputed
intelligence about Iraq's seeking to obtain uranium from Africa, and
[when] Mr. Cheney portrayed trailers found in Iraq as being for
biological weapons, and thus "conclusive evidence" that Iraq "did in
fact have programs for weapons of mass destruction."
DOUGLAS JEHL, Washington Post, 3/10/04
Empty Words
Since
President Bush's State of the Union speech last year, thousands of
Americans have experienced the emotional equivalent of a 9/11 event in
their lives. Because the tragedies weren't collective, didn't occur in
a single day or within the confines of a downtown city block, the
devastation and pain may have been lost on the rest of us. But within
the past year, more than 500 Americans have lost their lives,
thousands have been maimed -- many for life -- and an untold number of
U.S. families and communities have been shattered because of war in a
far-off place called Iraq. Last Tuesday night was an
opportunity for George W. Bush to eulogize the fallen, a chance for
him to tell their families what their sacrifices mean to the nation --
a time for the president to help heal broken hearts. That didn't
happen. Colbert
King, Washington Post, 1/24/04
A Dishonest
War
A
month after the inauguration, Secretary of State Colin L. Powell said:
"We have kept him contained, kept him in his box." The next day, he
said tellingly that Hussein "has not developed any significant
capability with respect to weapons of mass destruction." . . .
Karl Rove, in a rare public
stumble, made his own role clear, telling the Republican National
Committee on Jan. 19, 2002, that the war on terrorism could be used
politically. Republicans could "go to the country on this issue," he
said. . . .The
war has made America more hated in the world and made the war on
terrorism harder to win. As Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge said
in announcing the latest higher alert: "Al Qaeda's continued desire to
carry out attacks against our homeland is perhaps greater now than at
any point since September 11th."
Edward
M. Kennedy, Washington Post , 1/18/04
The Awful
Truth
People are saying terrible things about George Bush. They say that his
officials weren't sincere about pledges to balance the budget. They
say that the planning for an invasion of Iraq began seven months
before 9/11. . . the credentials of the [Bush] critics just keep
getting better. How can Howard Dean's assertion that the capture of
Saddam hasn't made us safer be dismissed as bizarre, when a report
published by the Army War College says that the war in Iraq was a
"detour" that undermined the fight against terror? How can charges by
Wesley Clark and others that the administration was looking for an
excuse to invade Iraq be dismissed as paranoid in the light of Mr.
O'Neill's revelations? . . . good news doesn't excuse a consistent
pattern of dishonest, irresponsible leadership. And that pattern keeps
getting harder to deny. Krugman,
NY Times 1/13/04
Bush and the
Army*
the Bush
administration is pushing America's peacetime armed forces toward
their limits. Washington will not be able to sustain the mismatch
between unrealistic White House ambitions and finite Pentagon means
much longer without long-term damage to our military strength. The
only solution is for the Bush administration to return to foreign
policy sanity, starting with a more cooperative, less vindictive
approach to European allies who could help share America's military
burdens. . . .if a sudden crisis were to erupt in North Korea,
Afghanistan or elsewhere, the Pentagon might be hard pressed to
respond. For a time, it could make do by sending tired troops back
into action, mobilizing reserves and borrowing forces from areas that
are quiet but still highly volatile. Such expedients have severe
long-term costs.
NY
Times Editorial, 12/29/03
Bush Deceives*
By now,
we've become accustomed to the fact that the
absence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction —
the principal public rationale for the war —
hasn't become a big political liability for the administration. That's
bad enough. Even more startling is the news from one of this week's
polls: despite the complete absence of evidence,
53 percent of Americans believe that Saddam had something to do with
9/11, up from 43 percent before his capture. The administration's long
campaign of
guilt by innuendo, it seems, is still working.
The
war's more idealistic supporters do, I think, feel queasy about all
this.
That's why they lay so much stress on their hopes
for democracy in Iraq.
They're not just looking for a happy ending;
they're looking for moral redemption for a war fought on false
pretenses.
Krugman, NY Times 12/19/03
Mr. President,
Here's the Difference
DIANE SAWYER:
But stated as a hard fact, that there were weapons of mass destruction
as opposed to the possibility that he could move to acquire those
weapons still —
PRESIDENT BUSH:
So what's the difference?
DIANE SAWYER:
Well
ABC
News, 12/16/03
—
Here
is the Difference
Coalition
Casualties
War Cost
Got Him, But
Does Bush have a Plan?*
Everyone agrees that the goal is
some kind of democratic Iraq, but I have yet to come away from any of
these conversations with a clear sense of how we are going to get from
here to there, or even who exactly is the overall conductor of this
diplomatic, financial and military symphony. I keep meeting with people,
expecting to hear "The Plan," but I never quite hear it.
What I hear a lot of, though, are
horror stories of Pentagon and White House red tape for anyone who wants
to go to Baghdad to work in our mission there; continued guerrilla
warfare between the State Department and the Pentagon and between the
C.I.A. and the Pentagon, which borders on one quietly hoping for the
other to fail; and a shocking lack of continuity in the U.S. team in
Baghdad.
Friedman,
NY Times, 12/14/03
Iraqification*
Everyone seems to be in favor of Iraqification.
The president has urged an accelerated training schedule for the Iraqi
army. Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld
says that more Iraqi troops, and not Americans, would be the best answer
to his problems.. , , ,
When we speak of sending "Iraqis" on
raids into the Sunni Triangle, who would these soldiers be? Sunnis? They
might not want to hunt down Baathists, or might easily be bought off.
Shiites and Kurds? That would galvanize the Sunni populations in support
of the guerrillas. If the goal is to stabilize Iraq, fomenting
intergroup violence might not be the best path.
If the American
footprint is reduced, it will not make the guerrillas stop fighting.
("Hey, Saddam, we've scared the Americans back into their compounds.
Let's ease up now and give them a break.") Fareed
Zakaria, The Washington Post, 11/4/03
How Could Bush have Imagined?*
But on the
ground, the looting and the violence went on and on, and for the most
part American forces largely did nothing. Or rather, they did only one
thing -- station troops to protect the Iraqi Oil Ministry. This decision
to protect only the Oil Ministry -- not the National Museum, not the
National Library, not the Health Ministry -- probably did more than
anything else to convince Iraqis uneasy with the occupation that the
United States was in Iraq only for the oil. ''It is not that they could
not protect everything, as they say,'' a leader in the Hawza, the Shiite
religious authority, told me. ''It's that they protected nothing else.
The Oil Ministry is not off by itself. It's surrounded by other
ministries, all of which the Americans allowed to be looted. So what
else do you want us to think except that you want our oil?''
|
 |
As Istrabadi,
the Iraqi-American lawyer from the Future of Iraq Project, says, ''When
the Oil Ministry is the only thing you protect, what do you expect
people to think?''
DAVID RIEFF,
NY Times Magazine 11/02/03
Bush
Overstretched *
Now
nobody realistically expects that the size of the American occupation
force in Iraq can be significantly reduced anytime soon. On Thursday,
the commander of American ground forces there predicted it would take
years before Iraqis could maintain security, allowing American forces to
withdraw. At least 100,000 American troops are likely to be needed for
quite some time. . .
America now
spends some $400 billion a year on defense, more than all other major
military powers combined. The best answer to the strains being felt by
the Army is not to extend combat tours, cannibalize forces from other
missions or undertake vast new spending. A wiser course would be to
return to the sound practice of a half-century and treat war only as a
last resort, to be undertaken with as wide a coalition of allies as
possible. Doing it Mr. Bush's way unnecessarily risks undermining the
fighting strength of even the world's strongest military power.
NY Times
Editorial 10/5/03
Confusing the
Public *
Given the fact
that no weapons of mass destruction have been uncovered in Iraq, the
president needs to be much more up-front with the American people about
why our troops are there. Polls show most Americans still believe that
Iraq was behind the attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon,
although there is no evidence connecting Saddam Hussein to the terror
plot. That is in part because the president continues to draw a line
between Sept. 11 and Iraq. There are still good reasons to maintain
America's commitment in Iraq. But Mr. Bush's tendency to refer to
everyone from Baath Party loyalists to guerrilla fighters as terrorists
seems designed to confuse the public rather than clarify the
administration's goals. . . .. But while Mr. Bush is getting more
specific about the numbers, he has yet to really tell Americans that
they will have to make sacrifices to pay the bill.
NY Times Editorial 9/8/03
Bush's Closed Mind
*
The
administration's reconstruction effort is costing the American people $1
billion a week. It is costing the lives of American soldiers and of
civilians from many nations. Only an entirely closed mind could fail to
grasp the need for a change in course. Close cooperation with the
international community might yet yield a plan for peace and security
for the people of Iraq. Haughty statements and unilateral actions will
not advance our cause. We must work with other countries to forge what
we cannot achieve alone: a lasting peace for Iraq and, in fact, for the
Middle East region as a whole.
A hallmark of
true leadership is the ability to admit when one is wrong and to learn
from errors. Candidate George W. Bush spoke about the need for humility
from a great and powerful nation.
Senator Robert Byrd, NY Times, 8/26/03
Think
Ahea
d, Mr. President
Given the
current size of the U.S. military, the Pentagon can replace the 150,000
men and women deployed now with fresh troops for next year. But unless
troop requirements in Iraq fall much more quickly than they did in
places like the Balkans, the next rotation will be possible only by
sending back most of the original occupation forces for another tour or
duty, or by relying on more troops from abroad.
If any of the
potential crises in North Korea, Iran, Afghanistan, Liberia or elsewhere
flares up, the strains on the American military—and the defense
budget—will become severe.
Philip
H. Gordon, The Brookings Institution 8/20/03
Conservative Columnist George Will Speaks Out
Currently,
139,000 U.S. troops and about 22,000 from other nations do not seem
sufficient. And there may not be enough U.S. troops to do the job. Sen.
Kay Bailey Hutchison, a Texas Republican, writing in the Washington Times,
says that to keep 370,000 deployed in more than 100 countries, "we have
called to active duty an unprecedented 136,000 members of the Reserve and
National Guard." Today's tempo of operations threatens the services'
retention and recruitment.
To those who say
that further internationalization of the occupation of Iraq would lessen
U.S. "control," the response is: Control -- such as it is -- should not be
the grandiose U.S. objective. Neutralization of Iraq as a source of terror
will be sufficient
George
F. Will, Washington Post, 8/21/03
Bush Failed to Plan
Yesterday's
attack, the worst in U.N. history, was another sign that surly, chaotic
postwar Iraq is becoming a magnet for terrorists. That is yet another
consequence of the Iraq war that the Bush administration failed to
anticipate, like the uncontrolled postwar looting, the delays in
restoring water and electricity, the ambushes of American soldiers and
the sabotage of infrastructure. .
. So far, the
identity of the terrorists, the resources available to them and their
geographic reach all remain unknown. These attacks appear to reflect
more than spontaneous local discontent or the rear-guard efforts of
fugitive former Baathist officials. There have been reports of radical
Islamists infiltrating into Iraq from Iran and Saudi Arabia.
NY
Times Editorial, 8/20/03
Cynical
Campaign*
Mr [Ray] McGovern worked near the very top of his
profession,
giving direct advice to Henry Kissinger during the
Nixon era and preparing the President's daily security brief for Ronald
Reagan. . . .
"Unless what has happened in the past
year and a half is recognized as a scandal, in which the CIA has been
badly abused, then there's no hope," he said. "I pin my hopes mostly on
the press these days. Turns out, surprise surprise, that even the US
press doesn't like to be lied to."
Andrew
Gumbel, 09 November 2003
Bush's Valley Forge*
Today many
reservists are unhappily serving longer and for less pay than regular
soldiers in Iraq. Their numbers will climb from less than a quarter of
the occupation force now to more than one third, or 39,000, by next
spring. The “weekend warriors” have become full timers and have already
put in more “duty days per year” than ever before—62.8 million days
through the end of September, more than the entire first gulf war (44.2
million), NEWSWEEK has learned. “This is our Valley Forge,” says Lt.
Gen. Roger Schultz, director of the Army National Guard, referring to
the winter of the Continental Army’s near desertion. Schultz doesn’t see
a “mass exodus” but thinks re-enlistments will drop. “To be straight up,
we did a lousy job communicating the expectations to these folks on the
time they’d spend in the field.”
Michael
Hirsh and John Barry, NEWSWEEK, Nov. 17 issue
Monopoly on Power *
the attacks also exploited continuing tensions
between the Bush administration and the
U.N. leadership.
Despite the president's declared intention to seek a larger U.N. role,
Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld and his staff openly campaigned
against it; they succeeded in blocking any weakening of the Pentagon's
monopoly over power in Baghdad. , ,
,It will now fall almost exclusively to U.S. soldiers to fight the
insurgents in Baghdad and the Sunni triangle, and the United States will
have to pay most of the cost of humanitarian relief and reconstruction
in the coming year. The administration says the help it was seeking from
foreign governments will instead come from Iraqis:
Washington Post Editorial 11/4/03
Believe It or Not*
Halliburton
Co. will retain a no-bid contract in Iraq longer than expected, the Bush
administration said Wednesday, citing sabotage of oil facilities for
delays in replacement contracts.
Halliburton's contract, valued at $1.59 billion so
far, will be extended until December or January while the government
receives and evaluates revised bids for replacement work that could
total $2 billion.
Associated Press in the LA Times,
10/30/03
And Bechtel*
Bechtel was second with a $1 billion capital
construction contract involving Iraq's utilities, telecommunications,
railroads, ports, schools, health care facilities, bridges, roads and
airports. . .
Former Secretary of State George Shultz is a
member of Bechtel's board of directors, . . .
Riley Bechtel, the chairman and chief executive
officer, was named early this year to the President's Export Council,
which advises the president on programs to improve U.S. trade.
Jack Sheehan, senior vice president in Bechtel's
petroleum and chemicals business, served on the Defense Policy Board
Associated Press in the NY Times,
10/30/03
Profiteering in Iraq*
Rumsfeld’s Pentagon used to make a
point of saying that Iraqis were far more sophisticated and educated
than, say, Afghans, and that Iraq’s economic recovery would be far more
self-sustaining. So why the top-heavy presence of foreign corporations?
Even in finance, a six-bank consortium led by J.P. Morgan is accused of
crowding out Iraqi banks. This domination by outsiders seems to be
crimping the very free-market Iraq that George W. Bush says he wants to
create—and requiring far more Americans on the ground. That creates more
targets for Iraq’s growing numbers of disaffected militants. It’s far
more expensive to: Iraq’s many unemployed engineers get paid less than
one tenth what their American counterparts receive.
. . . The open-ended nature of the occupation, combined with
Washington’s refusal to explain in detail what its plans for Iraq are,
continues to generate ill will, especially among Iraqis.
Rod Nordland and Michael Hirsh,
NEWSWEEK, Nov. 3/03 issue
Iraq:
No Surprises
Here *
If I were a
Republican senator, here's what I'd tell the Bush team:
•
What in God's
name are you doing forcing Iraqis to accept Turkish peacekeeping troops?
Are you nuts? Not only will Turkish troops in Iraq alienate the Kurds,
our best friends, but they will rile the Shiites and Sunnis as well. . .
Attacks on our
forces are getting more deadly, not less. Besides those killed, we've
had 900 wounded or maimed. We need to take this much more seriously.
. .
"There is now
a struggle for power emerging within the Shiite community," says Mr.
Nakash, "between those clerics and secular leaders who are ready to give
the Americans a chance and a grass-roots leadership that wants to
challenge both the Americans and the traditional Shia hierarchy.
Friedman, NY Times 10/23/03
The Bush Curse
On Monday,
Representative George Nethercutt Jr., a Republican from Washington State
who visited Iraq, chimed in to help the White House: "The story of what
we've done in the postwar period is remarkable. It is a better and more
important story than losing a couple of soldiers every day." The
congressman puts the casual back in casualty. . .
Greg Thielmann,
the retired State Department official who was a top analyst for Colin
Powell on Iraq's W.M.D., told "60 Minutes II" last night that Iraq had
been so far from being an imminent threat that Mr. Powell's speech
making that case at the U.N. was "probably one of the low points in his
long, distinguished service to the nation." . . .
Everything is
wrong, and nothing is wrong. We are trapped in the Bush illogic. Call it
our curse. Maureen
Downd, NY Times 10/16/03
Fakery *
What amounts to a warmly worded form letter
telling of open-armed welcomes and rebuilt infrastructure was printed by
hometown newspapers in the mistaken
belief that it was the individual composition of the undersigned soldier
in Kirkuk, a relatively peaceful city in Iraq. According to the Gannett
News Service, which uncovered the deception, one soldier said his
sergeant had distributed the letters to the squad, while another traced
his to an Army public affairs officer. . .Fakery is the worst possible
way to answer the public's rising demand for information about the true
state of affairs in Iraq.
NY Times Editorial, 10/15/03
Politics in
Command
But doesn't
the US, in any case, want exactly what the Iraqi people want -
independence and freedom for Iraq? And hasn't the United States already
embarked on a program of Iraqization? . . .The United States doesn't
want just any Iraqization; it wants Iraqization that suits American
interests. Would the United States, for example, accept an Iran-style
Shiite-dominated Islamic republic in Iraq? "That's not going to happen,"
Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld has already said. . . . It's one thing to
want Iraqis to take control of their own country, but quite another to
accept the Iraq that they create for themselves. Even if democratic
procedures are successfully implanted in Iraq, the choices that the
Iraqi people make may be dramatically at odds with any or all of the
purposes that sent the US into Iraq in the first place.
Jonathan Schell YaleGlobal, 29
September 2003
UN Inspectors
are Cheaper *
The most
striking findings in David Kay's interim report on the search for
weapons of mass destruction in Iraq are his revelations about the
backward state of Iraq's chemical and nuclear programs. Based on the
evidence gathered so far in three months of searching, it seems clear
that these programs barely existed and posed no immediate threat to the
global community. To the contrary, it looks as if international
inspectors succeeded in reducing or eliminating Iraq's arsenals and
dedicated production capacity, forcing Saddam Hussein to lie low and
wait for a new opportunity. . .
At least
$300 million has been spent on the search, and the administration is
reported to be seeking $600 million more to finish it.
Before approving that substantial sum, Congress may want
to consider bringing back the U.N. inspectors, whose costs would be paid
by the international community.
NY Times Editorial 10/4/03
Slime and
Defend *
It's slime and defend," said
one Republican aide on Capitol Hill, describing the White House's effort
to raise questions about Mr. Wilson's motivations and its simultaneous
effort to shore up support in the Republican ranks.
"So far so good," the aide said. "There's
nervousness on the part of the party leadership, but no defections in
the sense of calling for an independent counsel."
. . .
Still, one Republican with close ties
to the administration said the White House was monitoring five
Republicans in Congress, all of whom have an independ |